Hariandi Hafid / SOPA Images/Sipa USA THE FACTS A year after the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act was signed into law, its global repercussions are coming into focus. Foreign leaders who decried its unapologetic protectionism as unfair have since crafted big-spending policy responses of their own. The U.S. has itself softened the harder edges of its groundbreaking program. But while the IRA has undoubtedly lowered the U.S.’s emissions trajectory and bolstered domestic manufacturing, its effects on global decarbonization and on reducing American dependence on its adversaries are less uniformly positive. TIM’S VIEW For the U.S. to catch up on the global clean-energy transition, it needed the IRA. And that meant challenging Western norms that frown on heavy-handed government interventions to prop up one country’s private markets. In some ways, the IRA has actually drawn the global clean energy economy more tightly together and propelled it forward. But it also launched an expensive global subsidy war that many of the middle-income countries that benefited from globalization in prior decades can’t afford to compete in. In fueling one of the world’s fastest-growing markets for electric vehicles, solar power, and other clean energy hardware, the IRA has proven to be a massive investment opportunity for non-U.S. companies. Out of around $110 billion in U.S. clean energy projects announced since it passed, at least 60% of that investment came from foreign firms, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis, mostly battery makers in Asia. The law has also spurred India, Japan, EU countries, Canada, and others to roll out their own versions of the IRA. But certain IRA tax incentives are still limited to goods from a relatively small number of trading partners. In particular, this has left the U.S.’s critical mineral supply chain vulnerable, as the law leaves out many large producers of raw materials in South America, Southeast Asia, and Africa. That’s a problem not just because those materials are needed for the U.S. to meet its climate goals, but because Chinese firms are standing by to take more market share. The IRA will make U.S. demand for lithium, cobalt, and nickel about 14% higher in 2035 than without the law, an S&P report this week concluded. The IRA is first and foremost a domestic industrial policy, but it has sharply illustrated how reliant the U.S. energy transition will continue to be on trade. And unless the U.S. moves more swiftly to shore up its global supply chain of critical minerals within the confines of the law, it risks taking a permanent backseat to China. To read The View from the EU, The View from China, The View from Indonesia, and Room for Disagreement, click here. |