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In today’s edition, what Wall Street is listening for in tonight’s presidential debate between Donal͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌ 
 
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September 10, 2024
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Liz Hoffman
Liz Hoffman

Welcome back to Semafor Business, where we want to make government just small enough to fit in your inbox.

During a speech last week to New York’s corporate bigwigs, Donald Trump said the government should run a sovereign wealth fund to invest in “great national endeavors.” The White House quickly let it be known that it was already working on its own version. Political junkies might remember that Hillary Clinton expressed some support for the idea back in 2018, though she called it a “social wealth fund,” which does have a more progressive ring to it.

The politics are certainly satisfying. Why shouldn’t taxpayers benefit from Wall Street-style investing? My colleague Reed Albergotti likes the idea for a different reason: Making government support for private industry explicit, rather than shrouded in research grants and DARPA redactions, might cleanse the toxic political sludge that’s been accumulating since Obama’s “you didn’t build that” comments back in 2012.

I disagree. Sovereign wealth funds make sense for countries with state-owned assets, budget surpluses, and weak private sectors — none of which apply to the US. Outside of Alaska (which sends every citizen an annual check for their cut of oil sales) America’s resources are, for better or worse, in private hands, and the government gets its share through taxes.

Maybe that share should be bigger. Both corporate and capital-gains taxes are live issues in the 2024 presidential election.

But the US already has what many wealth funds, particularly in the Gulf, are trying to build: a vibrant private sector. Competing with it would likely drive up asset prices and drive down returns, chasing out private investors and leaving the economy more reliant on Washington. “It’s usually a bad idea for the state to encroach on markets where the private sector is already active,” Sam Tombs, U.S. chief economist at Pantheon Macroeconomics, a UK-based consultancy, told me. “Merely the threat of state entry into a market can dissuade private capital from entering.” Just look at the industry howling when Freddie Mac announced a pilot program to refinance second mortgages in June.

Plus, investing is literally a process of picking winners and losers, which nobody wants bureaucrats doing. They’re often bad at it and even when they’re good at it, people get mad.

With that in mind, it’s debate night in America, and below is our list of what Wall Street will be listening for on the role of government in the economy.

Plus, Google is back in court, and we ask two ex-antitrust cops — one Biden staffer, one Trump — to handicap the Justice Department’s monopoly case. And Semafor’s Ben Smith talks with investor David Rubenstein about the 2008 meltdown’s long shadow over American politics.

Buy/Sell
Apple

➚ BUY: Apple’s tech: Apple flexes its AI muscle in its iPhone 16 debut, which will include a new-and-improved Siri and ChatGPT-infused writing tools.

➘ SELL: Apple’s taxes: EU’s top court rules Apple has received illegal tax benefits in Ireland for two decades and owes €13 billion in back taxes. CEO Tim Cook had previously called the dispute “total political crap.”

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The Tape

Elliott wins Southwest board overhaul… Big banks win capital-rule rewrite … Norfolk Southern CEO in trouble over relationship… Maduro burns through Venezuela’s dollar reserves… EV leases are now cheaper than Netflix… VW union to fight job cuts… Big Lots goes bankrupt

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Debate Prep

Wall Street will be listening for more specifics from Donald Trump and Kamala Harris tonight on taxes, tariffs, and regulation as the campaign enters its final two months in a statistical dead heat. Among the questions:

Would Trump’s plan cause double-dip inflation? Tariffs would make imported goods more expensive, while mass deportations would reduce the supply of workers that some economists credit for helping to cool an overheated labor market.

Is he serious about influencing Fed policy? Trump’s comments last month that the president “should have at least (a) say” in setting interest rates rattled finance professionals who think the Fed’s independence is sacrosanct, especially given the former president’s well-known preference for cheap debt.

What to do about China? While the Biden administration has levied its own tariffs on some Chinese goods, the White House’s approach lately has been one of temperature-cooling. And Harris’ own campaign messaging suggests she would rather speak softly and invest billions into key domestic industries dominated by China.

Personnel as policy? Wall Street hopes Harris will show a more business-friendly face in her appointments to key agencies, where Biden picks like Lina Khan and Gary Gensler made few friends among the corporate class. She’s seen as a centrist, but has been light on policy and made few promises, even behind closed doors.

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Day in Court

The US government is in court this week, making the case for the second time this year that Alphabet is operating an illegal monopoly. Fresh off its win against the company’s search practices last month, the Justice Department is now taking aim at its dominance over online advertising.

Unlike merger challenges or collusion rings, cases that paint a single company as monopolistic are tougher to win, though they’re the ones that end up on antitrust’s Mount Rushmore — think Standard Oil, AT&T, Microsoft — and can result in seismic reorderings of entire industries.

We caught up with two former government antitrust cops who disagree about the strength of the government’s case. Tim Wu, a former staffer at the Federal Trade Commission and a member of Joe Biden’s National Economic Council, and Alden Abbott, the FTC’s general counsel under Donald Trump, break down key pieces of Google’s likely defense.

1. Google’s services are popular because they’re good.

Google made a similar argument in the case it recently lost over its search practices, but the government pointed to its deal with Apple, which Google paid $20 billion per year to be the iPhone’s default search engine. “If people like Google better, what’s with these exclusionary practices?” Wu said.

2. Online advertising is competitive.

Google points to competition from tech rivals like Microsoft, media and retail giants like Disney and Walmart, and ad-tech startups, and says that publishers using its auction system keep a higher share of revenue than the industry average. “The cost of advertising online has come down and volume has expanded,” Abbott said. “That’s not really the signature of a monopolist.”

But “Google is still arguing it’s this fresh-faced young company and ‘competition is just a click away,’” Wu said, repeating the company line that helped convince regulators in 2013 to close an antitrust investigation into its search practices. “Nobody really believes that anymore.” Practices locking customers into Google’s ecosystem have hardened in the decade since, he said, and “no one thinks it’s easy to just ignore Google and choose a competitor.”

3. The government is stuck in the past.

Google says the market it’s accused of illegally dominating — “open web display” advertising — is a relic of a pre-smartphone, pre-streaming video world and doesn’t reflect how ad buyers spend their budgets. “It does seem to be a definition created by the government to prosecute this case,” Abbott said. Google tried that argument in its search case earlier this year, arguing that Amazon and TikTok were emerging destinations for users to find answers to their questions, and it didn’t work.

What to watch for: These arguments are technical (“WTF is ‘header bidding?’” asks the industry’s leading trade, Digiday) and hanging over the trial are political views about corporate power and mistrust of Silicon Valley. “Most Americans think the most powerful companies need oversight and attention, particularly Big Tech,” Wu said. Government cases are piling up against Apple, Meta, and Amazon, too.

Google’s courtroom strategy appears to reflect that: It fought successfully (and creatively) to have the case heard by a judge instead of a jury, an acknowledgement of the public’s mistrust of big tech companies. Verdicts handed down by judges are also easier to appeal because they lay out their legal reasoning.

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Mixed Signals
All Pro Reels/Flickr

Are we in a supply-side sports crisis? If you feel surrounded by sports on all sides, losing the battle to keep up with new leagues (hello, slap-fighting), athlete podcasts, and who’s getting paid what, you’re not alone. This week on Mixed Signals from Semafor Media, Ben and Nayeema dive into the sports boom—whether it’s driven by culture or commerce, and if it’s a bubble. To help figure it out, they are joined by John Skipper, former president of ESPN and current CEO of Meadowlark Media. Plus, Semafor’s business and finance editor, Liz Hoffman, joins for a blindspot from Silicon Valley: the rise of “founder mode.”

Catch up with the latest episode of Mixed Signals.

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What We’re Reading

George W. Bush blamed the bank bailouts he oversaw amid the financial crisis of 2008 as the point of departure for today’s partisan politics. “You wonder why populism is on the rise. It starts with taking taxpayers’ money and giving it to the powerful,” he told the investor and philanthropist David Rubenstein for an interview in Rubenstein’s new book, The Highest Calling. “I listened to [Hank] Paulson and [Ben] Bernanke and spent your money to bail out the guys who created the instruments in the first place…It really irritated a lot of Americans, and they haven’t gotten over it yet.” (In fact, the bailout got less popular over time.)

Rubenstein, who is an investor in Semafor, said in an interview with Ben Smith that he doesn’t entirely buy that diagnosis: “Populism has been around for a long time, and I’m not sure that that bailout by itself did,” he said, pointing to demographic change as another cause.

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What We’re Tracking
Peter Nicholls/Reuters

Tilting at paper mills: An activist investor hopes a symbolic vote will pressure the Murdochs into giving up control of News Corp. Reuters reports that Starboard submitted a nonbinding proposal asking the company to get rid of the two-tiered voting system that gives the family effective control over The Wall Street Journal parent. This is why most activist investors avoid family controlled companies.

Second opinion, same diagnosis: The largest and most powerful US doctors’ lobbying group lent its support to ongoing antitrust investigations of drug middlemen known as pharmacy benefit managers. The American Medical Association’s new analysis of competition among PBMs found it just as lacking as the Federal Trade Commission did in its own July report, which is likely a prelude to a lawsuit. These companies sit between insurers, drugmakers, and pharmacies. But the three largest have been bought up by insurers like Cigna and United Healthcare, which critics say has allowed them to squeeze smaller pharmacies and push up drug prices.

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Live Journalism

Mark Ein, Venture capitalist and investor in the Washington Commanders, and Lori Kalani, Chief Responsible Gaming Officer of DraftKings will join Semafor’s editors in Washington, D.C. on September 19 to discuss growth of the U.S. gaming industry and where it goes from here.

RSVP for in-person or livestream.

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