‘The most exciting group of white men’: Sizing up the Kamala Harris veepstakes

Josh Shapiro

Why he might get it. Shapiro seems to be the one the opposition is most worried about, which seems like a point in his favor. “If Republicans don’t win Pennsylvania, it’s a way tougher slog,” one well-connected Republican said. “Gotta basically sweep everywhere else.” He’s a popular and charismatic 51-year-old governor in arguably the most important swing state who has accused Trump of “shit talking America.” His most famous accomplishment is nonpartisan: Rapidly fixing a section of the I-95 highway after it collapsed. Shapiro also was widely praised in both parties for his unifying words after a shooter targeted a Trump rally in his state. He has touted an “all of the above” energy approach in a state where natural gas is a major industry, which could help rebut early attacks on Harris for once opposing fracking (she walked it back upon joining the Biden ticket). And, like Harris, he’s a former state attorney general.

Why he might not. Shapiro is strong in part because he’s seen as a pragmatist who isn’t afraid to anger the left-leaning interest groups when it suits him. But that means picking him could also anger left-leaning interest groups. He’s broken with the party to support school vouchers, angering teachers unions, although it didn’t make it into the most recent budget. Then there’s Israel: Like many Democrats, Shapiro has struck a balance between asserting Israel’s right to defend itself, condemning the Netanyahu government, and arguing for a two-state solution. But Shapiro, who is Jewish, has also strongly condemned antisemitism on the left and upset activists opposed to the Gaza operation by comparing some campus protests to the KKK. His administration also settled a sexual harassment claim against a then-senior adviser, a piece of baggage that Harris might not want to carry as she takes aim at Trump’s alleged sexual indiscretion.

Mark Kelly

Why he might get it. Arizona Sen. Mark Kelly has a background that many Democrats are excited about: He’s a former NASA astronaut who served as a US Navy combat pilot, and he’s been vocal about securing the border, which could help combat one of Republicans’ big attack lines against Harris. He’s perhaps best known as a forceful advocate for gun safety laws ever since his wife, former Rep. Gabby Giffords, was badly wounded in a shooting at a district event. Arizona leaned red before Kelly won a seat in 2020, and he’s widely seen as more moderate than others in his party. David Axelrod, during a discussion with The Cook Political Report publisher Amy Walter this week, described Kelly as “an alpha guy” — and both noted that this could be a plus against a Republican Party that stocked its recent convention with macho speakers like Hulk Hogan and Dana White to appeal to men.

Why he might not. Kelly may be more valuable to Democrats in the Senate. If Harris wins with him on the ticket, the Democratic governor would appoint a replacement and trigger a special election in 2026, which could make it harder for the party to secure a majority. Kelly also hasn’t signed onto the PRO Act, which would make it easier to organize unions, and that’s raised red flags for labor groups otherwise eager to back Harris. (Kelly said Wednesday that he would vote for the legislation if it hit the Senate floor, potentially removing this obstacle).

Tim Walz

Why he might get it. Walz is a known figure with major credibility in the party, particularly among House Democrats, given his long tenure in the lower chamber from 2007 to 2019. “He can take the fight, and we all know him,” Rep. Ann Kuster, chair of the New Democrat Coalition, told Semafor, adding that’s who “popped out” for her in a “talented” field of possible VP picks. Democrats also argue Walz’s past military service, teaching career, and Midwestern background would appeal to swing voters in must-win states. “He would be a great choice,” Pramila Jayapal, chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, said Thursday. With slim legislative majorities in Minnesota, Walz signed into law an expansion of labor rights, and a measure providing universal free lunches, among other sweeping progressive reforms. Walz has also been a blunt attack-dog in interviews and called Republicans “weird” for seeking to curb reproductive rights and implement book bans.

Why he might not. While Walz is well-liked in Congress, he hasn’t attracted as much national media attention in the Biden era as the other governors on this list. He also doesn’t hail from a must-win state for Democrats, as Minnesota last swung Republican for President Richard Nixon in 1972. Things look more competitive this cycle, but if the party is losing in Minnesota, they likely are losing the election already by a wide margin. In addition, Republicans are attacking Harris as an out-of-touch progressive, and it’s possible Harris shies away from someone who has accumulated a liberal governing record in favor of a more overtly moderate figure that balances out the Democratic ticket.

Roy Cooper

Why he might get it. Gov. Cooper of North Carolina and Harris have known each other for years from their time as attorneys general and at least one operative suggested familiarity could be a factor in Harris’ choice. He’s term-limited this year after spending the last seven years as a buffer between the state’s deep red legislature and its relatively purple electorate. One of his big achievements was getting bipartisan support to expand Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act, an issue Democrats would be happy to press Trump on. Strategists also think Cooper could be an asset on the reproductive rights front by telling his story of combatting Republican efforts to restrict abortion — the legislature enacted a 12-week ban he had previously vetoed only after a safe-seat Democrat switched parties.

Why he might not. Democrats don’t want Republican Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson, who is known for his wildly inflammatory politics even by recent standards, to take over as the acting governor whenever Cooper leaves the state to campaign. He’s also the oldest name on this list at age 67, and Democrats might be reluctant after their recent experience with Biden to elevate someone who could potentially be a presidential candidate in their 70s later on.

Andy Beshear

Why he might get it. He’s the fresh-faced 46-year-old governor of one of the reddest states in the country and won an impressive re-election against a longtime Mitch McConnell protege, Daniel Cameron, in 2023. Democrats were especially impressed with how he did it, too: He ran hard on protecting abortion rights (this ad was one of the most memorable of the cycle) and vetoed a bill that would have restricted access to care for transgender youth. Within the state, he also boosted his popularity in rural counties by managing the response to a major flood. He’s currently trying to position himself as a counter to JD Vance, who he says has portrayed Appalachians in Kentucky as stereotypically “lazy.”

Why he might not. There is no universe in which Harris is competing in Kentucky, so Beshear doesn’t bring much state-specific utility. Some Democrats also question how well his profile translates outside of Kentucky, where he benefits from a unique political brand as the son of a popular former governor, Steve Beshear.

Pete Buttigieg

Why he might get it. He’s an Afghanistan veteran and small-town mayor who already ran a strong presidential campaign and is widely seen as one of the party’s greatest communicators. Democrats have long been impressed with his ability to carry the White House’s message on conservative outlets like Fox News. Recently, he criticized Vance for deriding “childless cat ladies” in 2021, a list on which he included Buttigieg, who has since adopted two children with his husband, Chasten. His portfolio as Transportation Secretary has included infrastructure projects and new rules requiring airlines to reimburse customers for canceled flights, two topics that allies think would play well on the campaign trail. In general, Harris could trust him to defend their administration’s record with no additional training necessary. Democrats also see him as a potential fundraising juggernaut — some operatives predict he’d raise another $100 million for the campaign easily.

Why he might not. Indiana, where Buttiegieg served as mayor of South Bend, is a Republican stronghold and not a battleground state. He’s most popular nationally with the kind of college-educated voters who Democrats have performed especially well with in the Trump era, but some Democrats are skeptical as to whether he helps the party enough elsewhere. His own presidential campaign was hindered by a lack of Black and Latino support, two groups that Democrats are especially worried about retaining support and turnout from this cycle.

The field

Race and gender is obviously front and center in this discussion and there’s a (sometimes explicit, sometimes whispered) notion in political conversations that Harris needs a white man to balance the ticket. But not everyone agrees with that assumption: Whitmer has many fans in the party and governs a critical swing state in Michigan, though she’s said she’s not interested in the job. Columnist James E. Causey argues Moore — widely seen as a potential 2028 contender if Trump wins — should get the nod, pointing to his management of a bridge collapse in Maryland and pardons for marijuana offenders.

There are also some other names on the outer edges of the white male governor category. Pritzker has a following, but is in a deep blue state that might make him less helpful in balancing the ticket. And Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, another dark horse name, poked fun at the demographic conversations around the ticket in a recent CNN interview: “Look, if they do the polling and it turns out they need a 49-year-old balding gay Jew from Boulder, Colorado, they’ve got my number.”