How the EU elections pushed Germany’s far right to new extremes

The trigger for the AfD’s latest turn were the European Parliament elections in June, which picked legislators for the continental decision-making body.

Prior to this year’s EU elections, the AfD was expelled from its Identity and Democracy parliamentary group following statements from the party’s top EU candidate Maximilian Krah that members of the SS were not necessarily “criminals.” The decision was signed off by far-right honchos, namely the French delegation led by Marine Le Pen and her protege Jordan Bardella. Despite the possibility that ID would eventually relent and backtrack its stance, the AfD’s expulsion appears to be ratified.

This situation led the AfD to pursue formation of its own parliamentary group — scraping together parties from the extremist fringes of the EU. The AfD’s new outfit, the Europe of Sovereign Nations, includes among its ranks parties that have demonstrated public sympathy for World War II-era fascists. Hungary’s “Our Homeland” movement, for example, infamously made headlines for bringing the bust of Nazi-aligned leader Miklos Horthy into the national parliament. Another party, Republika, splintered off from a movement in Slovakia widely described as neo-Nazi.

That these are the partners the AfD feels comfortable coalescing a faction around speaks volumes about what is happening within the party back home in Germany, where there’s long been an extreme taboo and even legal safeguards against identifying with Nazi-era fascist figures.

Extremist leaders within the AfD can be identified beyond Krah who are breaking down that modern barrier. The most noteworthy may be Bjorn Höcke, head of the AfD in Thuringia and the leader of the AfD’s “Der Flugel,” a hardcore right-wing faction seeking to ratify the party’s radical direction. Höcke is known for inflammatory statements targeting minorities in Germany, including those with disabilities. Recently, he drew the attention of a new PBS documentary, Germany’s Enemy Within, identifying him as a conduit for “whitewashing” the horrors of the Nazis, including criticizing a Holocaust memorial as an unnecessary “monument of shame.” As the documentary notes, the party’s growth has occurred during a rise in violence against ethnic minorities and plots directed at the government, raising fears the political climate could encourage militia activity.

The push to amend historical memory around fascist and other authoritarian regimes takes place in a global context. With the rise of Höcke, even Germany is no longer an exception.

Höcke appears to be growing bolder, too, with multiple fines over recent months for use of a Nazi slogan at rallies. As the AfD rams the doors of democracy, there is now more concern among their opponents that their forces could eventually flood through. Höcke’s state of Thuringia will go to the polls for its state election in less than a month, as the local AfD still polls first. Given his outrageous campaigning and the AfD’s plunge towards the extreme, the upcoming votes in Thuringia and two other East German states have been increasingly viewed as a test for German democracy.

The AfD’s new group has already caused a splinter among the wider European far-right. In Poland, the “Konfederacja” alliance finds itself divided between continental parliamentary groups.

MEPs from the “National Movement,” which is known for its role in organizing Poland’s annual Independence March — an event which has drawn outrage for fascist displays — voted against working with the ESN, citing a “refusal” to join forces with the AfD.

Meanwhile, “New Hope,” a right-wing libertarian party within the alliance, had few qualms about adding its MEPs to the group. New Hope is led by Slawomir Mentzen, who has infamously and openly made antisemitic and otherwise bigoted statements.

Another MEP, Grzegor Braun, likewise an antisemite who drew worldwide condemnation when he extinguished a menorah in parliament last year, was considered too extreme for the group.