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In this edition: Trump’s say-anything policy agenda, results from Tuesday’s MAGA-friendly primaries,͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌ 
 
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June 14, 2024
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Americana

Americana
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David Weigel

Trump’s splashy campaign promises have an odd common thread

Brendan McDermid/REUTERS

THE SCENE

Ending all taxes on tips. Declassifying all files on 9/11 and the JFK assassination. Freeing a darknet market mogul from prison. Protecting Bitcoin and TikTok from government meddlers.

In his four-year presidency, Donald Trump did none of that. In the last few weeks, he’s promised to do all of it — sometimes in front of crowds ready to cheer his new policies, sometimes with interviewers who don’t ask why he flipped. Democrats, already battling voter “Trumpnesia” and warmer feelings about the MAGA years, are now wrestling with out-of-nowhere promises that don’t match up with Trump’s record.

The latest promise, to make tipped wages tax-free, debuted at Trump’s Sunday rally in Las Vegas. “We’re going to do that right away, first thing in office,” said the Republican nominee. “It’s been a point of contention for years and years and years.”

Trump had never endorsed this before, or mentioned it during 2017’s yearlong tax cut debate. The Biden campaign said that Trump’s “wild campaign promise” couldn’t be trusted, and that Democrats wanted to end the tipped minimum wage, a policy with more direct worker benefits, which Republicans opposed.

But on Monday night, Fox News praised Trump’s “tip tax cut” and explained how it could swing the election. On Wednesday, Trump-endorsed Nevada US Senate Sam Brown told NBC News that the “visionary” ex-president had “scooped” him on a proposal he was about to run on himself. By Thursday, Trump was rallying House Republicans for the tax cut, and Senate Republicans were praising a “brilliant idea” that no one had a plan to implement yet.

“I think we should put it on the table,” Sen. John Cornyn told Semafor. “We’re gonna consider everything else, so it might as well be part of it.”

KNOW MORE

Trump’s breezy willingness to reverse himself was a problem for Democrats in 2016. Polls found that voters saw him as more moderate than Hillary Clinton; he could hit her from the right on abortion and immigration, from the left on trade and criminal justice reform, and from the center on gay rights.

That wasn’t the case in 2020, when Democrats ran against specific, unpopular Trump agenda items — an unsuccessful push to repeal the Affordable Care Act, the passage of polarizing tax cuts.

This cycle has been more of a muddle, shaped by nostalgia for pre-COVID prices and interest rates, and blurred memories of what happened when. A poll conducted for Politico last month found 37% of voters crediting Trump with new infrastructure investments, compared to 40% who credited President Joe Biden, even though the investments famously didn’t happen under Trump.

“Human memory is notoriously faulty,” said Patrick Murray, the director of Monmouth University’s polling institute, whose numbers show voters retroactively warming to the Trump presidency. “The real question is whether this is written in stone or whether you can remind people of how they actually felt about the past.”

In that environment, Trump has gotten a hearing for policies and presidential actions that he spent four years not pursuing. Last month, he told the Libertarian National Convention that he would commute the sentence of Silk Road founder Ross Ulbricht, though he’d ignored an appeal to do that from the third party in 2018.

“We should be cautiously optimistic,” Libertarian Party chair Angela McArdle told Semafor after Trump’s speech. “He seems to have been burned by a lot of his former administration, and I think there’s a good opportunity for him to pivot and not put the same swamp creatures around himself.”

Trump had already moved to meet Libertarians on cryptocurrency, which he criticized as late as 2021 (“I don’t want to have other currencies coming out and hurting or demeaning the dollar”) and now embraces; on Tuesday, after meeting with crypto executives, he posted on Truth Social that he “want[ed] all the remaining Bitcoin to be MADE IN THE USA!!!”

His flip on TikTok, from signing an executive order that would have potentially banned it to promising never to ban it, was widely reported as a sop to TikTok investor Jeff Yass; TikTok users and influencers have celebrated the switch regardless. When Fox News asked if he’d release the government’s files on 9/11, the JFK assassination, and Jeffrey Epstein, Trump said yes, never explaining why he opted not to in his first term — and never being pressed by the interviewers. (As Semafor’s Max Tani reported, the network also cut his Epstein answer to excise some caveats.)

“He could just write a new executive order and release everything,” said Jefferson Morley, the founder of the JFK Files substack, which covered Trump’s new promise skeptically. “He could have done that last time.All of his dealings with this are just totally transactional. If it’s in his interest to release them, he’ll release them; if he doesn’t think it’s in his interest, he won’t.”

DAVID’S VIEW

There’s an old Clintonworld assessment of the 2016 election that’s stuck with me for eight years. I’ll paraphrase it: “We built an Italian sports car, and Trump made us take it off road.” There is a tried-and-true populist way that Democrats win national elections, epitomized by the 2012 campaign that portrayed Mitt Romney as a vulture capitalist who’d cut taxes on the rich. Trump’s unpredictability prevented Hillary Clinton from doing that.

Democrats are trying to do that again, with three binders of material — Trump’s record, his promises to rich donors that he’ll cut their taxes, and the Project 2025 portfolio of conservative policies being prepped for a second administration. But there’s a powerful monomyth about Trump, which the Libertarian Party’s chair summed up well. In the first term, he had the wrong advisors; the next President Trump would be unencumbered, and could do anything.

So in 2018, when Trump proposed a “10% middle class tax cut” right before the midterm election, Democrats easily convinced voters that this was a ruse; he’d just passed an enormous tax cut, and never talked about this. Trump’s now running as a liberated ex-president who can make old opponents bend the knee, and he has a more robust, more friendly conservative media infrastructure that hypes his new promises and doesn’t ask how much this will cost, or why it didn’t happen before.

THE VIEW FROM DEMOCRATS

Democrats were completely dismissive of the tips policy. Massachusetts Rep. Richard Neal, the ranking member of the Ways and Means Committee, declined to comment on it at all; members who did said that Trump was clearly pandering for votes.

“No one actually believes that the former president cares about tax policy,” said Michigan Rep. Dan Kildee. “Donald Trump has proven he will say or do anything to be elected president.”

Pat Dennis, the president of the Democratic oppo group American Bridge, said that “voters aren’t holding their breath that any of the many fake promises Donald Trump makes will come to fruition.” But they needed to be reminded. “We’re working to make sure voters remember Trump is a con artist, obsessed with gaining power, who will say anything to return to the White House.”

ROOM FOR DISAGREEMENT

Politicians look for new policy ideas all the time, so the fact that Trump never brought up the idea of a tax cut for tips when he was in office doesn’t necessarily mean it’s insincere. One Republican working on the Trump re-election said that his new promises were credible because he’d be served by a very different team in 2025. The old party figures with long resumes and deep doubts had slowed Trump down in 2017 and 2018. They wouldn’t be there next time.

“I think the advantage he has in second term is that there is now a professional class of Trump Republicans in DC,” said the operative. “The nature of the staffing right at the jump will be different.”

NOTABLE

  • In The New Republic, Timothy Noah argues that Trump’s flashy promise won’t benefit workers as much as the Biden administration’s. “When Trump finally gets around to proposing a tax policy that might have some appeal for working-class voters, he does so not by requiring employers to pay workers a living wage but rather by requiring the federal government to take up the slack.”
  • In Puck, Peter Hamby looks at the “Trumpnesia” problem bedeviling Democrats with young voters, and allowing Trump to reinvent himself; “Many of them only started paying attention to politics a few years ago, maybe starting around the time of the Biden inauguration or the Covid pandemic.”
  • And previously in Semafor, Joseph Zebillos-Roig talked to House Republicans about the agenda Trump floated in his meetings on Thursday: “He also appeared to float replacing the personal income tax with tariffs, according to Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky.”

Joseph Zebillos-Roig contributed reporting.

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State of Play

Trump-backed Republicans swept Tuesday’s primaries, ahead of next week’s test in Virginia — whether the ex-president’s support will be enough to lift a challenger over House Freedom Caucus leader Bob Good. A quick rundown:

South Carolina. Rep. Nancy Mace beat two primary challengers with 57% of the vote, fulfilling her hope that she’d “embarrass” ex-Speaker Kevin McCarthy; this was the first stop on his “revenge tour” against Republicans who ousted him. Pastor Mark Burns, who’d lost two prior House races, led the vote in the 3rd Congressional District, and headed to a June 25 runoff against self-funding nurse practitioner Sheri Biggs. Rep. William Timmons, who got Trump’s endorsement the day before the election — he was among the local Republicans who traveled to New Hampshire and campaigned for Trump against Nikki Haley — edged challenger Adam Morgan by 3 points.

Maine. Ex-NASCAR driver Austin Theriault easily won the nomination to challenge Democratic Rep. Jared Golden, angering a GOP state legislator who instantly resigned from his own seat. “I’m sorry, but I’m done standing up for anything in this community,” state Rep. Tom Andrews wrote on Facebook. “I’m officially retired from politics. This absolutely disgusts me.”

North Dakota. Republicans nominated Rep. Kelly Armstrong to succeed Gov. Doug Burgum, beating Lt. Gov. Tammy Miller in 52 of 53 counties. Burgum, who’s being vetted as a potential Trump running mate, had endorsed Miller; three months later, Trump endorsed Armstrong, who by then was the favorite to win. The race to replace Armstrong was closer, but Trump-backed state public services commissioner Julie Fedorchak won 46% in a five-way race.

Nevada. Veteran Sam Brown won the GOP’s US Senate primary, the day after Trump endorsed him over his former Iceland Ambassador Jeff Gunter. Brown won by 45 points, but Gunter withheld his own support: “The America First faithful had zero interest in campaigning with him through the entire primary season where he relied on establishment influence and money to slide into a nomination,” he said.

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Ads
Win It Back PAC/AdImpact

George Latimer for Congress, “You Know Me.” In eight days, Rep. Jamaal Bowman will rally in the Bronx part of his district with two other politicians from the five boroughs: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders. His opponent’s new spot portrays the incumbent’s outspoken left-wing views as a progress-halting problem. Negative stories about Bowman (“a congressman spreading lies and conspiracy theories”) float in clouds over the heads of people walking around Mt. Vernon, in the Westchester County part of the district, as Latimer explains that he’s delivered on gun control and abortion without any nasty drama.

Tom Cole for Congress, “Save Our Country.” It’s a classic post-2016 story. A GOP incumbent works well with Democrats. A challenger cites that record to warn that the incumbent isn’t a true conservative. The incumbent hits back by highlighting his support from Donald Trump and his most conservative goals; here it’s saving America from an open border and flow of deadly drugs.

Win It Back PAC, “Pandering.” For 35 years, legislation that would create a commission to study reparations for descendents of slaves has been introduced in the House. In 2021, it got out of committee, but never got a floor vote — which meant that Rep. Colin Allred never voted on it. But because the Congressional Black Caucus supports it, this ad from a pro-Ted Cruz PAC warns that “Allred’s group” supports reparations, putting a Latina voter on camera to warn that handouts to Black voters would be unfair to people like her.

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Polls

Even in states where Republican Senate candidates are on the air, Democratic incumbents are running well ahead of Biden. Casey does better than Biden with every demographic, and crucially flips more Republicans — 7% of Trump voters break for Casey, and just 2% of Biden voters break for McCormick. These patterns look increasingly like the patterns of 2022, when millions of voters who disapproved of Biden’s job performance stuck with Democrats downballot.

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On the Trail
Brendan McDermid/REUTERS

House. Former Delaware housing director Eugene Young ended his campaign on Wednesday, making it likelier that state Sen. Sarah McBride will become the first transgender member of Congress. Outgoing Gov. John Carney had endorsed Young, who raised more than $400,000 for the race, but trailed McBride in the few polls conducted in the state. By Friday, outgoing Rep. Lisa Blunt Rochestera had endorsed McBride, too.

Republicans, who lost Delaware’s sole House seat in 2010, haven’t competed seriously for it since, and aren’t targeting it this year.

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Q&A
Instagram/@kripchakforcongress

Ohio’s 6th Congressional District was a Democratic Party wasteland. It was built that way. The Ohio River Valley, Democratic for decades, rushed to the right under Barack Obama. In 2020, Donald Trump won the region by a 2-1 margin, and in 2021, Ohio Republicans redrew the congressional map to create a safe seat for Rep. Bill Johnson, one that Trump won by 29 points.

But after Johnson retired, Republicans under-performed in the June 11 election to replace him. Republican state legislator Michael Rulli ran 20 points behind Trump — enough to win, but a rare case of Democrats over-performing in a district without many of the white college graduates who’ve helped them win special elections. Michael Kripchak, the Democratic veteran who lost the race, told Semafor that Rulli barely campaigned, never debated him, and gave him space to try something new — an aggressive, populist campaign on a budget of under $20,000. This is an edited transcript of our conversation.

Americana: Tell me about your decision to get into the race in the first place. This is a race that Democrats looked at and said, “This is unwinnable.”

Michael Kripchak: Yeah, they absolutely said that. Look, for me, it came out of a call to duty. As a former Air Force officer, when I saw what happened on January 6, that’s why I decided to get in. I didn’t look at how possible it was to win this. Having spent six months interacting with voters in the district, I think it’s absolutely winnable.

Americana: What interactions did you have with national Democrats, with the committees?

Michael Kripchak: In all honesty, there was next to no interaction. We obviously tried to reach out and get support for this race. But next to none of it came. This is why middle America feels that the Democratic Party has abandoned them. Look at it from the perspective of Bernie Sanders versus Hillary Clinton in those primaries back in 2016. Bernie had the strategy of saying, let’s reach all Americans. Hillary Clinton’s camp went in the opposite direction. We’re seeing the result of that.

Americana: You grew up here, so what’s your theory of why voters ran away from the Democrats?

Michael Kripchak: It’s the effects of globalization. Late stage capitalism is all about globalization. Adam Smith calculated this out 250 years ago. We transformed the economy, but we didn’t transform our workforce. People lost jobs that they took pride and dignity in. We were the ones producing the steel. Now we have one party that has terrible answers to this situation — we need to retract, we need to pull in, we need to decrease our influence around the world. And we have another party that doesn’t talk to the people about the real issues that they’re facing.

It’d be great if there was this national push against the rising authoritarianism coming from the right. But I gotta admit, the only inroads I made were because of the work I did putting 11,000 miles on my car, running down three pairs of shoes, traveling the district.

Americana: And what drew people to the Republican Party? How satisfied were they with how it was running things in Ohio?

Michael Kripchak: Their news sources lambaste Democrats and blame them for every single problem under the sun. Their news sources don’t say: Look at all this corruption that’s happening down in Columbus under the Republicans. If they’re never hearing that, and all they’re hearing about is how evil Hunter Biden is, and how the Democrats are destroying everything , what do you think will happen? I went on one of the right-wing radio shows in Youngstown, and I thought we had a good conversation, but as soon as we go off air the host tells me I’m a big government Democrat who just wants to spend money. I just said the opposite!

Look, freedom of speech is important. But when people don’t engage with actual reality and actual data, and they’re just reading things that affirm their feelings, and when they’ve been under the influence for 40 years now of right-wing propaganda networks, none of what Democrats say cuts through. There’s no way I could undo 40 years of programming in a few months. But we made progress.

Americana: What was the view of Joe Biden’s record?

Michael Kripchak: I’m just gonna be straight up with you. Heck, even when I talked to striking workers, some of them were like: Trump all day. I’m gonna vote against you. I’d say, “But they hate unions! None of these construction projects, bridges being replaced, the Intel plant down here in southern Ohio — none of this would be happening without the Democrats.” They’d say, “Well, their inflation is out of control.” Even after I’d say that 52% of inflation is due to increased corporate profits. I don’t blame the people. I blame their leaders. Their leaders have trained them to get emotional and respond in these ways, so logic does not matter anymore. That’s why my message has been about getting them their dignity back, making sure they get money in their pockets, rebuilding an industry that’s been the powerhouse for America.

Americana: What advice do you have for Sherrod Brown, who won this region in 2006, won part of it in 2012, and hasn’t won it since?

Michael Kripchak: So, he gave me his support, but that’s not a full throated endorsement. Considering I only lost by 5000 votes, I just keep thinking what difference it could have made, right? What might have come down from the Democratic Party that could have made a difference? But I met him a few months back, and my honest reaction was, wow, this guy actually cares. I would say to him, keep getting out there, meet the voters, and make sure they understand that he’s one of the good ones that actually does care about pushing the things that will help them most. But first and foremost, endorse me. Get out there on the campaign trail with me.

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Next
  • four days until runoffs in Georgia and primaries in Oklahoma and Virginia
  • 11 days until runoffs in South Carolina and primaries in Colorado, New York, and Utah
  • 13 days until the first presidential debate
  • 31 days until the Republican National Convention
  • 46 days until primaries in Arizona
  • 65 days until the Democratic National Convention
  • 144 days until the 2024 presidential election
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