 When protesters started showing up at Republican offices and town halls last month, the party was ready to dismiss them. “The videos you saw of the town halls were for paid protesters, in many of those places,” House Speaker Mike Johnson told CNN. This is what parties always say when they’re getting ugly footage back from their districts. It became a harder sell this week; the protesters mostly gave hell to Democrats. Liberal groups have, in the past, tried to embarrass the party and move it to the left; think of the Sunrise Movement’s breakthrough action at Nancy Pelosi’s office, in 2018. But the anger Democrats heard this time was muddled, with no specific ask. Maryland Rep. Glenn Ivey and California Rep. Gil Cisneros were both told they were too “polite” and “kind,” not transmitting the anger and fear of their constituents. Illinois Rep. Sean Casten, who represents one of the country’s biggest Palestinian-American communities, shut an event down because some of those constituents wouldn’t let him continue without promising to end aid to Israel. “What is your point in disrupting this event?” Casten told one protester, who was filming him on her phone, and would upload the footage to Facebook. “I recognize your face. You have disrupted many events.” The rage was real, and basically unanswerable. Democratic voters pay more attention to mainstream news than Republicans do; Kamala Harris ran strongest with the people who still read newspapers, and weakest with the people who get their news from social media and podcasts. The first group is taking in a stream of scary news that it wants to see somebody stop; the second group is seeing footage of Democrats at their worst or most tongue-tied, because that’s what plays in short viral clips. All of it looks bad for Democrats, because — as they keep saying, over the boos — they can’t really stop anything Trump is doing. The administration is practicing what Reason’s Stephanie Slade calls “will-to-power conservatism,” using state power to dismantle liberalism. The legal arm of the progressive movement can slow that down, but the legislative arm can’t, unless Republicans screw up. Electorally-minded progressives are starting to adjust to this, and conceding that Democrats can’t save them. On Thursday, Bernie Sanders told The New York Times that some progressives might need to “run as independents outside of the Democratic Party,” as he does. The Working Families Party, which follows the Sanders approach of endorsing Democrats where only they can win and its own candidates where they can’t, announced a recruitment drive for “working class candidates” — Democrats and independents. The premise here is that the party’s brand is so toxic, and its leaders are so committed to preserving norms, that it has to be worked around. One exception: Just a couple of Democrats, and no senators, said this week that Chuck Schumer should give up his leadership role because he’s bungled the anti-Trump strategy. But there’s obvious enthusiasm for the idea of replacing him in a Democratic primary in three years — not abandoning the party, just taking his seat. “One thing I love about Arizonans is that you all have shown that if a US Senator isn’t fighting hard enough for you, you’re not afraid to replace her with one who will — and win,” New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said in Tempe on Thursday night, to the largest political rally — a stop on her “Fight Oligarchy” tour with Sanders — that anyone has organized since the election. |